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Wednesday,
November 7, 2001
America
needs to rethink its foreign policy in the wake of Sept. 11
attacks
Commentary
by Nicholas Guyatt
In recent
weeks, many have argued that the magnitude of the attacks
on America makes any critical engagement with U.S. foreign
policy inappropriate, even offensive.
According
to this logic, the United States should not give its policies
a second thought lest such a reevaluation seem to reward terror.
However, to ignore the current state of U.S. policy in the
Middle East is still more craven and entirely incompatible
with Americas need to rally global opinion around its
war on terrorism.
If U.S.
policies in the region are themselves just, America should
strongly defend them as it develops its coalition against
al-Queda. If American policies are lacking, however,
the United States must quickly remedy its actions and shore
up its moral claims in this conflict.
Unfortunately,
we are playing catch-up in the wake of Sept. 11. Although
there is wide sympathy for the innocent victims of the attacks,
Muslims can draw on a reservoir of despair at recent and on-going
American policies in the Middle East. There are at least two
good reasons to consider these policies in some detail: to
understand the appeal of Osama bin Laden to a much broader
Arab and Muslim public and to assess whats at stake
for the United States in continuing its current course of
action in the region.
Bin Ladens
first complaint, delivered in his videotaped message released
on Oct. 7, concerned the on-going presence of American troops
in Saudi Arabia since 1991.
The official
reason the U.S. military to keep an eye on Iraq
makes little sense given the Saudi governments own enormous
military spending and the ease with which American troops
could continue this job from aircraft carriers in the Persian
Gulf.The United States retains its presence because it fears
the prospect of an Islamic revolution in the country.
Bin Ladens
second grievance involved the U.N. sanctions against Iraq.
Imposed after the Gulf War at the insistence of the United
States, the sanctions were intended to inhibit the development
of Saddam Husseins weapons programs but have in fact
denied ordinary Iraqis access to electricity grids, sewage
systems, medical centers and other crucial facilities. The
people of Iraq have suffered an astonishing decline in their
living standards.
The United
States, meanwhile, has been satisfied with the containment
of Hussein, reassured that the near-genocidal effects of the
sanctions have at least kept the country safe
from militant Islam, Kurdish separatism or internecine warfare.
Finally,
bin Laden accused the United States of a grossly biased role
in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which has followed a
calamitous track similar to the Iraqi situation in the past
10 years. Although the loss of life has been smaller, the
Palestinians have been forced to endure the wholesale colonization
of their land and the continued denial of their territorial
and political rights even as Israeli governments have been
given political legitimacy and economic benefits. Israel has
more than doubled its settlers during the course of the Oslo
process, and in the past year it has used violent force to
kill more than 750 Palestinians (overwhelmingly civilians
and more than five times the number of Israeli dead) while
reoccupying sovereign Palestinian territory.
Many people
about precisely these policies and the massive injustice
theyve caused in the Middle East long before
bin Laden chose to exploit these issues.
Moreover,
if America holds its course in Saudi Arabia, Iraq and the
Israel-Palestine conflict, it will undermine not only its
own claims to represent morality in the face of terror, but
also the prospect of continued support from the rest of the
world.
The choice
is clear: America continues these policies, confers an undeserved
legitimacy on bin Laden and loses its allies in Europe and
elsewhere; or the United States seizes this opportunity to
reverse course and recognize that the only long-term deterrent
of terrorism is justice. Although weve cut off bin Ladens
financial assets, weve so far ignored his most potent
weapon: the argument that Americas foreign policies
inflict misery on millions of people in the Middle East. If
this really is a war on terror, we need to make
it quite clear to Arabs and Muslims which side were
on.
Nicholas
Guyatt is a columnist for The Daily Princetonian at Princeton
University. This column was distributed by U-Wire.
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